Muslim Conquests Eastern Roman Perspective DOCUMENTARY

When Islam emerged in the 7th century, it shook the Byzantine Empire to its core, leading to deep contemplation and transformation.

The Eastern Roman Empire, commonly known as Byzantium, and the Islamic Caliphate were the two richest and most culturally sophisticated civilizations of the Middle Ages. The two cultures first met when Islam sprang forth into the world in the 7th Century CE and steamrolled through Byzantine Egypt and Syria, shocking the Roman world to its core and sending it into deep contemplation and transformation as they contemplated how to change and adapt in the face of this new ascendant superpower. In this episode, we will investigate just what these changes were, how Byzantium viewed the Islamic conquests, how their economy and state apparatus changed, as well as their ideology and social structure. Welcome to our video on the Byzantine perspective on the Islamic Conquests and how Roman society adapted to the coming of Dar al-Islam.

Intellectual and Literary Perspectives: The Byzantine Empire was already in a period of transition when the Islamic conquests began in the 640s. The Palestinian provinces were already becoming more urban, and this continued under the Caliphs. At the same time, Byzantium’s eastern and southern provinces were depleted after having been long embroiled in the Byzantine-Sasanian War of 602 - 628 CE. These regions were both under looser control and ethno-religiously distinct. Thus, it should be no surprise that when the Early Islamic conquests occurred, much of the region was taken over by Islamic forces, as there were local actors that were either indifferent or opposed to the Byzantines. Such relatively speedy conquests came as quite a shock to the Byzantines, both for those under new Islamic rule and those still living in Imperial territory.

Within the remaining Byzantine provinces, the use of the Christian Church as a means to give divine sanction to the Emperors that had begun under Emperor Herakleios continued and accelerated. Herakleios had shown himself in propaganda as a soldier of Christ who was ready to defend the faith and personally go to battle in the name of God. This is an ideology that was used by later Emperors in response to future Islamic invasions. In an ironic twist, these theological developments mirror Islamic notions of just and holy war. The concept of a holy war against religious enemies would endure for most of Byzantine history. It would be used as a casus belli, or reason for war, for centuries thereafter, such as when the ruthless Nikephoros Phokas reconquered the island of Crete from the Arabs in the 10th century CE.

Shortly after the early Islamic conquests, different peoples who were formerly Roman subjects and now under Arab rule reacted in different ways to their new state of affairs. For instance, a Nestorian Archbishop of Adiabene in modern-day Iraq, Ishoyahb III, considered the new power that took over his homeland to have been sent as a punishment from God. However, this does not mean he advocated for revolting against Islamicate rule. In fact, his stance was similar to that of the Patriarch of the Assyrian Church, a pragmatist who advocated working with the new Muslim rulers to both survive and thrive.

A similar existential view was promoted by Sophronios I, Chalcedonian Patriarch of Jerusalem. As the Islamic troops were besieging the city, his sermons saw the conquests as a failure of the piety of the Christian population and due to their sins. However, he tried to lessen the damage of the invasions by negotiating with the Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab. The view that Christians in the newly conquered territories should cooperate with their new Muslim overlords was shared by a monk known as Anastasios the Sinaite, who went as far as to blame the Islamic Conquests on the sins of the reigning Byzantine Emperor, Constans II. Others, like the indigenous Coptic Christians of Egypt, saw an opportunity to live in a more lax environment, for Byzantium was rather harsh to other Christian sects like the Syriacs, Armenians, Assyrians, and Copts.

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The Islamic conquests reshaped the Byzantine Empire, leading to economic shifts, new social hierarchies, and a more feudal society.

However, despite their adversarial relation to the Byzantine Church, that did not mean these Eastern Churches were thrilled about living under Islamic rule. Several Syriac Christians penned Apocalyptic literature that the end of the world or the downfall of the Caliphate includes texts such as the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles. This text prophesied a future in which the Sassanian Empire, conquered by the Muslims, would rise again and create a rift in the Islamic world, leaving an opportunity for a new Christian emperor to establish a Christian Kingdom that liberates the newly conquered Christians in Syria and Egypt. An author claiming to be the 4th Century Church Father Methodius of Olympus also wrote an Apocalypse which hoped for the restoration of Christian rule over the Holy Land. All this literature suggests that different creeds had different reactions to the coming of Islam. These ranged from shock to anger to pragmatism, three rational reactions to the system shock that the Islamic Conquests would have been to those living in the Byzantine Empire at the time of their occurrence.

It should be mentioned, however, that thus far, we have only talked about how various Christian sects reacted to the Islamic conquests. For other religious communities, like the Jews, the coming of Islam meant a coming of more freedom, as caliphs like Umar allowed them to settle in Jerusalem, something they had not been allowed to under Byzantine Emperors like Herakleios. This example is indicative of the complexity of reactions in the former Byzantine territories to the Islamic conquests. Both inside and outside the new Byzantine borders, former and current Byzantine subjects had to cope with these seismic shifts, and did so in very different ways based on location, belief, and social status.

Economic and Mercantile Responses: The Byzantine reaction to the Islamic conquests also involved changing the economic structure of their now shrunken Empire. The lost provinces in Syria, Egypt, and North Africa were important economic and cultural hubs containing large and supremely important cities like Alexandria and Antioch, both of which were now taken over by the Rashidun Caliphate. Moreover, other economically important parts of the Byzantine Empire, such as eastern Anatolia, were not fully conquered but were nonetheless devastated by raids or wars during the 7th and 8th Centuries. Other regions, like the islands of Cyprus and Armenia, became condominiums of both the Arabs and the Byzantines, subject to joint taxation by both powers.

As was to be expected, the Byzantines had to adapt to this new economic reality. Some cities in the newly Arab-conquered Near East changed due to the reorientation of their economies to new trade routes, with some towns declining and others rising. This was a slow process that occurred throughout the 7th Century CE, as Christian, Jewish, and now new Islamic settlements were formed throughout regions like Palestine. Social and economic elites in the regions now under the control of the Islamic Caliphate were thus subject to new social hierarchies with Muslim officials at the top, and with taxes going to new capitals like Baghdad. The militarization of the frontier regions, a factor we’ll look at later, necessitated a shift in economic production. In many border regions between the Byzantines and the Caliphate, such as Anatolia, new military settlements were created, expanding their land holdings and increasing their economic power. Thus, a new landowning elite comprised predominantly of military men of soldierly origins was created during the 7th and 8th Centuries CE, replacing the old Senatorial elites who ruled over those lands before.

Urban bishops also managed to gain some economic power as previously secondary cities left within Byzantium became more prominent economically. Some bishops even managed to create family dynasties. The patronage of churches also shifted, as offerings in the Church of St Demetrios in Thessaloniki from the period show a focus on families. This shows a shift in religious traditions, possibly due to the chaos and social transformation brought by the Islamic conquests even in places far away from the wars.

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Byzantium's shift to a feudal and military-focused society was a response to the Islamic conquests, reshaping its economy and administration.

In places like Anatolia where the invasions had an impact on population size and settlement, the economy shifted. This led to a more rural economy based on fortresses and larger plots of land worked by local peasants. Consequently, Byzantium evolved into a more feudal society, accumulating inequalities over the next three centuries. This was a vastly different system from the one that had existed before the Islamic conquests, where the Byzantine economy was centered on integrating rural areas with large urban centers. This system eroded away after the Islamic conquest, as during the wars with the Arabs, many cities declined or were destroyed, making the old economic model less sustainable. Thus, the military elites managed to impose their landlordism on the local population more effectively.

Despite these changes, many urban centers in the Byzantine Empire continued to function even after the Arab conquests, although in a more disconnected manner than previously due to the disruptions of trade with the former provinces. Overall, the Byzantine economy that emerged after the 7th Century CE was more feudal and military than the one that had existed before the rise of the Islamic Caliphate. This transformation was seen by Byzantine elites as necessary to respond to the rise of a military force powerful enough to best them. This social structure would define Byzantium up to the fall of Constantinople in 1453.

Military and Administrative Responses: Byzantium’s military and administrative systems also underwent major changes in response to the Islamic conquests, partially due to the evident weaknesses the Byzantine army faced in the early invasions. During this time, the Romans suffered many military defeats to Arab forces, leading to the loss of Egypt and Syria. Because of this, it was evident that military reforms had to be conducted. After the Islamic invasions, the Eastern Roman Empire, now shrunk, required strong internal cohesion. Thus, new taxation structures were constructed to curtail the power of regional officials and likely the new classes of landowners, eventually leading to the re-establishment of some imperial authority in the provinces.

The thematic system of military provinces, which was in its larval stage during the 6th Century, began to fully solidify in the 7th Century CE. These themata had appointed regional officials, called the dioikitai, who were responsible for fiscal and tax administration. The central banking of the empire was already undergoing some reforms during the early reign of Heraklios, particularly in the minting of coinage and its own administrative independence. These processes continued throughout the 7th and 8th Centuries CE, as the coffers of the state had to cope with the pressure of Rashidun and Umayyad raids.

The 5th - 7th Centuries were volatile for Eastern Rome even before the Islamic conquests, as wars with Persia and frontier states like Armenia led to increasing border militarization. However, the various military structures that emerged in the frontier regions continued to increase in number and financial investment in the 7th Century. These frontier guards began to include local militias as well as professional soldiers of various ethnicities. Eventually, this led to the formation of the Akritai border troops in the 9th Century CE, who became famous in Byzantine folklore. Of these Akritai, the most famous is Digenis Akritas, a half-Saracen, half-Greek soldier who achieved many victories on the Byzantine border and bested even death in some folk songs. This folk tradition indicates how these military changes culminated in the 9th Century CE and were then received by parts of the local Christian population.

These new administrative structures were paid in cash and thus embedded themselves in the local economy. This new status quo had impacts on the legal system, namely in its decline. Byzantium was known for its legal tradition, particularly in the aftermath of the creation of the Codex Justinianis by Emperor Justinian.

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Byzantium adapted to Islamic conquests by becoming more centralized and militaristic, ultimately seeing their Muslim neighbors as equals.

The 7th and 8th Centuries CE saw a decline in both legal structures and personnel. Far fewer legal notables and courts existed due to the loss of legal schools in the east. The number of legal scholars, a respected position during the Late Antique period, dwindled after the Early Islamic Conquests, impacting the quality of juridical dispensation throughout the Empire. Other law-adjacent positions, such as notaries and barristers, which were formerly famous in Eastern Rome, also became rarer. Many of these learned lawyers were based in the eastern provinces, and their skills were now deprived to the Byzantines as they were forced to deal with new taxation and administrative regimes under Islamic rule. Consequently, Byzantine administration contracted in terms of legal officials but increased in terms of military ones. In some respects, Byzantium lost many of its resources and significantly declined in administrative control. New structures, both military and administrative, were needed to fill the gap left by the decline of the previous administrations. By the 8th - 9th Centuries CE, the Byzantine realm was more cohesive and militarized, particularly in the east. This created a feedback loop that synergized with the ascending military and landowning aristocracies, likely solidifying the military-industrial complex and the feudal nature of the medieval Byzantine state. From the Byzantine elites’ point of view, these changes were necessary to ensure the state was strong.

Political and Cultural Responses:

Another aspect of the Byzantine Empire that underwent significant change after the Islamic Conquests was its political and cultural institutions. Byzantium faced much displacement due to the Islamic conquests, with many Church leaders from the conquered regions fleeing to Anatolia and Greece. Moreover, the emergence of the Muslim religion on the world stage resulted in some interesting political developments in the Roman Christian Church. Christianity, like Islam, is a religion claiming to have a creed and ethics for all humanity and was now, for perhaps the first time in its history, facing another faith claiming to be the same. In an effort to homogenize their religion to present a more unified front against the theological threat posed by Islam, the Byzantine Church began more actively subsuming any lingering local pagan beliefs into Christianity. However, material culture from the period continues to show Greek myths, a testament to their impact amongst the Byzantines of all social standings. Non-Chalcedonian Christian denominations also became subject to more strict oversight, as most Emperors continued a policy of favoring Chalcedonian Christianity to ensure the Empire had a cohesive ideology for all to follow. Thereafter, Christian theology increased its focus on a universal message with ideas such as the Oikoumene, or the whole world as being realms of God with the Byzantine Emperor as his chosen representative. This belief made the Byzantine state a more absolutist one based on Christianity as a unifying ideology.

The continuous close relationship between the Church and the State in the Byzantine period was established long before the Islamic Expansion. However, the existence of an opposing universalist faith meant that Christianity in Byzantium became even more interlinked with the Byzantine state. Initial responses to the Early Islamic invasions were ones of shock, as the Byzantines saw the Arab forces as little more than tent-dwelling barbarians. However, by the 9th Century CE, some Byzantine notables recognized Islam and the so-called Saracens as their cultural equals. This is emphasized in a text written by Patriarch Nicholaos Mystikos and directed towards Caliph al-Muqtadir of Baghdad:

"Two sovereignties—that of the Arabs and that of the Byzantines—surpass all sovereignty on earth, like the two shining lights in the firmament. For this one reason, if for no other, they ought to be partners and brethren. We ought not, because we are separated in our ways of life, our customs, and our worship, to be altogether divided; nor ought we to deprive ourselves of communication with one another by writing in default of meeting personally. This is the way we ought to think and act, even if no necessity of our affairs compelled us to it."

These words do not represent the whole of the Christian population of the Byzantine Empire or even many of the elites. However, it illustrates a major shift in the Byzantine perception of the Muslim Other, which occurred in the centuries after the initial Islamic conquests. Politically, the Byzantines had managed to fortify themselves ideologically and politically in response to the rise of the Islamic Caliphs. They had also come to realize that this new power, partially inspired by the same Greco-Roman past and entangled by the same trade routes as them, was not going to go anywhere else. Thus, a mutual respect rose amongst some circles in Byzantium, utilized in diplomacy and correspondence between notables of both great civilizations.

Conclusion:

The Byzantines saw the lightning-bolt rise of the Rashidun and the Umayyad Caliphs as a shocking development, unthinkable in their imperial worldview. This rise led to many of the responses mentioned above, from theological coping mechanisms to political responses to militarization. To Byzantium, the threat seemed existential, and many core territories important for its economy were lost forever. Thus, the Byzantines adapted. They became more centralized and militaristic, with many of their civic institutions going into decline. However, their initial shock ended up subsiding as they came to see the permanence of the new status quo. While dreams of a Christian revival continued for centuries, the two great civilizations came to see each other as equals. The Eastern Romans ended up accepting their Muslim neighbors as diplomatic, economic, and sometimes even cultural partners. Much like the border guard Digenis Akritas, the two great civilizations became blended into each other. While the Byzantines continued to fight as Akritai against new Islamic caliphates for centuries onward, they were forever changed and influenced by them. Like their half-Arab folk hero, the Byzantines were forever tied to the East they had lost and were changed by it. And the ones whom they once saw as barbarians became their equals, whether as rivals or as friends.