How Imperial Cities Rose Through War and Alliances

Heinz the Frugal stood firm in battle to protect Reutlingen's liberties, marking a pivotal moment for the Swabian League of Cities against the Count of Württemberg.

The first war of the southern German cities league (1376/1377) saw Heinz, a master craftsman in the city of Reutlingen, known in his city by the name of the Frugal, standing firm in the fast-formed battle line consisting of craftsmen, servants, and mercenaries of the imperial city of Reutlingen. Coming back from an audacious night raid against their enemy, the Count of Württemberg, the citizens saw the gates of their hometown blocked by the aristocratic troops of the count. By the end of the small but fierce battle in late Spring of 1377, Heinz was dead, along with twelve other craftsmen. However, he was remembered as one of the men who fought to protect the liberties and privileges of his home city. Reutlingen, an imperial city, fought together with others as an alliance against the Count of Württemberg and their own beloved overlords: Wenzel, King of the Holy Roman Empire, and his elderly father, Emperor Charles IV. The small battle of Reutlingen, which Heinz fought, had a significant impact on the politics of the Empire and established the position of the Swabian imperial cities as a force in late medieval southern Germany.

Welcome to our video on the first phase of the southern German cities league, known as the Swabian League of Cities, where we explain the difficult situation of the smaller imperial cities of late medieval southern Germany. The imperial cities of the medieval Holy Roman Empire were an integral part of the structure of the empire and were often an important pillar of the king's power. Over time, however, the imperial cities increasingly became pawns in the hands of the various territorial lords of the empire and the king. However, the traditional possibility of an alliance with one another was a way to give the imperial cities the opportunity to oppose the developments of the empire and to demand a place in its structure that corresponded to their growing economic and political importance. With the Battle of Reutlingen in 1377, this phenomenon found its first climax in which the allied cities got their will against the emperor. Furthermore, this battle shows how intertwined the empire's complex structure was, how important the sovereignty of interpretation was in the late medieval Empire, and how violence against nobles was thought of.

The Holy Roman Empire of the late Middle Ages was a realm that extended itself from the North and Baltic seas down to the Mediterranean and included a lot of the territory that is now considered middle Europe, the low countries, and northern Italy. For a long time, the empire claimed a pre-eminent position in Europe, partly because its kings claimed to be Roman emperors in succession to Charlemagne and old Rome. Despite this pretense and being a massive powerhouse in theory, the empire had a highly decentralized political structure, beginning with the fact that the king was elected by the most powerful magnates of the empire. In the course of the 13th century, these became known as the Kurfürsten, the prince-electors, whose vote was gradually linked to the territories they ruled.

During a time of weak royal power after the end of the Hohenstaufen dynasty in 1250, the power dynamics in the Empire changed: the great princes of the empire and the elector princes and bigger territorial lords tried to acquire as much crown property and lesser nobles as possible in order to expand their own possessions into a cohesive dominion. With this, they tried to accumulate a strong Hausmacht - the direct power of a prince. This was intended to give a prince as much influence as possible in the electoral college of the king of the empire, with the aim of eventually obtaining the crown for oneself. Besides these great prince-electors and mighty territorial lords, a collection of different states, lordships, and other political institutions with different levels of influence existed within the empire. One of these institutions were the imperial cities. These were Reichsunmittelbar, meaning they had the privilege of imperial immediacy and were therefore only subordinate to the king or emperor. In the above-mentioned accumulation of power by territorial lords, these cities often were a welcome booty in the political game. The imperial cities were often not only economically lucrative prey but also a disruptive factor amid the princely possessions, which could be mediatized, meaning removed from the direct control of the empire and the king.

Because of this and the trouble during times of weak royal power, imperial cities had repeatedly formed alliances with the aim of coordinating and acting independently to protect the Landfrieden, the peace of the land. This protected the trade that was so important for the cities, against trouble. These alliances of cities were conceived as a voluntary association, which was based on a joint oath taken by the representatives of the cities participating in the alliance. The specific aims, conditions, and duration of the respective alliance were...

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Imperial cities formed powerful alliances to protect their independence and economic interests against kings and nobles.

These cities often were a welcome booty in the political game. The imperial cities were often not only economically lucrative prey but also a disruptive factor amid the princely possessions, which could be mediatized, meaning removed from the direct control of the empire and the king. Because of this and the trouble during times of weak royal power, imperial cities had repeatedly formed alliances with the aim of coordinating and acting independently to protect the Landfrieden, the peace of the land. This protected the trade that was so important for the cities against trouble.

These alliances of cities were conceived as a voluntary association, which was based on a joint oath taken by the representatives of the cities participating in the alliance. The specific aims, conditions, and duration of the respective alliance were set out in especially drawn-up documents, known as Schwurbriefe or oath-letters. However, it was not only imperial cities that joined these alliances: bishops, lower nobles, and larger aristocrats joined for their own interests, swore to support each other, and promised to resolve conflicts between themselves by legal means. Leagues of cities were, therefore, a tried and tested means for towns to protect themselves against attacks. The number of enemies of the imperial cities was large, ranging from feuding lesser nobles and marauding knights to the mentioned powerful territorial princes and, finally, the king himself, who was always in need of money.

The reigning kings and emperors of the empire recognized the potential of the confederations of cities to protect the peace in the empire and thus their benefit for their own position in the political struggle in the empire. For example, the League of Cities around the Swabian imperial city of Esslingen, which was founded in 1331 comprising 22 southern German towns, was established with the express consent of Emperor Louis of Bavaria. After his death in 1346, many of the towns in the region of the Swabian League decided that they would only pay homage to a new king if they collectively recognized him as the rightful king. However, should this recognized king pawn one of the towns to a territorial prince, they would provide mutual support and oppose the king's decision. These demands reflect the strong self-confidence of the cities, which was based on their economic but also political and military power within the empire; the cities claimed to be independent actors within the empire and tried to implement this claim through coordinated action in alliances with each other.

It was the king and later emperor, Charles IV from the House of Luxembourg, who provoked such an alliance between the cities in 1376, leading to a war in the southwest of the empire. While Charles, like his predecessor, initially promoted the confederation of cities and attempted to unite them with noble forces to secure the peace of the land in the southern empire, this policy was restricted in 1355 and 1356 with the proclamation of the so-called Golden Bull. This proclamation not only laid down the conditions for the king's election but also other constitutional structures of the Reich. For example, all members of the empire were forbidden to form alliances that went beyond the goal of a Landfreiden and could, for example, threaten the king's power.

Charles IV acquired the Margraviate of Brandenburg from the young elector-prince Otto V in exchange for high compensation for the Elector, in order to secure the supremacy of his dynasty in the empire during his own lifetime. This was a long-term process for the emperor and the nobility allied with him and his family that began as early as 1363. In 1376, Charles was finally guaranteed the electoral vote of Brandenburg for his son Wenceslas by a treaty. This political project to acquire the entire margraviate of Brandenburg and the agreement of other electors to vote for Wenceslas often required large sums of money, which exceeded the emperor's already strained financial capacity. How could this money be raised more easily than by pawning several small imperial cities to territorial lords?

For the affected cities and towns, this was an enormous menace: while they were pawned, they not only had to pay all taxes to the creditor but also all the associated judicial rights of the cities and towns would be transferred to the creditor. This would have given the creditor tremendous access to the autonomy of the pawned towns and, thus, the opportunity for the creditor to add them to his own possessions. As there were several previous examples of the king or emperor never endeavoring to redeem the pawned towns and cities, the loss of their status as imperial cities was a real threat, especially for the small towns of Swabia.

In response to the intended pawning, 14 imperial cities under the leadership of Ulm initially came together on 4 July 1376 to form a league for the duration of four years. They refused to pay homage to Wenceslas, who was elected King in Frankfurt on the Main on 10 June 1376, on the specific grounds that they wanted to remain unpledged parts of the empire.

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When cities unite to protect their autonomy, even emperors can't ignore their power.

The towns had to pay all taxes to the creditor, and all the associated judicial rights of the cities and towns would be transferred to the creditor. This would have given the creditor tremendous access to the autonomy of the pawned towns and, thus, the opportunity for the creditor to add them to his own possessions. As there were several previous examples of the king or emperor never endeavoring to redeem the pawned towns and cities, the loss of their status as imperial cities was a real threat, especially for the small towns of Swabia.

In response to the intended pawning, 14 imperial cities under the leadership of Ulm initially came together on 4 July 1376 to form a league for the duration of four years. They refused to pay homage to Wenceslas, who was elected King in Frankfurt on the Main on 10 June 1376, on the specific grounds that they wanted to remain unpledged parts of the empire, meaning that they did not want to be pawned to other Lords by the king or emperor. They claimed that this was the only way they could adequately serve the emperor and king customary to their old rights that they wanted to keep along with the imperial immediacy. The cities, therefore, proactively articulated their desire to retain their status as imperial cities and tried to show the emperor the limits of his power politics. The enraged Emperor Charles IV reacted by imposing the imperial ban on the 14 cities and proclaimed an imperial war against them; Ulm, as the headquarters of the alliance, was soon besieged. This only encouraged more cities to join the League, which grew to 22 members in August. The conflict between the imperial cities and the emperor threatened to escalate.

In this situation, the conflict became not only a direct military confrontation between parts of the Empire but also a conflict over the sovereignty of interpretation of the events. This can be clearly seen in the letters from the allied cities to the coronation city of Frankfurt on the Main, in which the cities declare: "Since he wanted to elevate his son to the Roman king, we were told that he the emperor wanted to pawn away Swabian cities and separate them from the Holy Empire. We have taken an oath to each other for no other reason than to remain unburnt, un-pawned, unsold with the Empire according to our customary law. Do not believe any other statements that speak against ours."

However, the conflict was not only between the emperor and the imperial cities. Other players also waited for their opportunity to capitalize on the situation. Count Eberhard II of Württemberg was one of them. He was an ambitious territorial lord who already stood by the emperor in numerous endeavors and had received some privileges for this loyalty. He was also the one who should have enforced the seizures of the Swabian cities. As he himself wanted to acquire numerous imperial cities that were close to or in his own territory, he took energetic action, both militarily and with his pen. On the 21 of November 1376, for example, he wrote a letter to the powerful free imperial city of Strasbourg in which he severely criticized the league of cities formed around Ulm: the Swabian cities had not only revolted against King Wenceslas but were said to have refused any negotiations. During a valid peace, they are said to have attacked Württemberg's possessions. Strasbourg should believe the princes and those loyal to the king, even if they hear different things about the events.

It is no longer possible to determine who committed the first acts of violence in this conflict, but the tension between the County of Württemberg and the imperial cities in his sphere of influence had long been known. For example, in the conflict of interests between the count and the imperial city of Reutlingen. The city, which was elevated to the status of an imperial city around 1240, was located at a transport hub between the plateau of the Swabian Alb and the economically lucrative Neckar Valley. It had received numerous court rights, and thus income, from the region in 1337. However, above the town on a hill, known as Achalm, was the castle of the imperial bailiff who ruled over the law along the Neckar valley. He also had jurisdiction over higher crimes in the town of Reutlingen. The county of Württemberg had been the owner of this imperial bailiwick since 1262 and was thus interested in gaining full control of Reutlingen, which lay in the midst of their possessions. It was inevitable that conflicts could only arise from this complicated situation.

When the conflict between the emperor and the towns came to a head in the course of 1376 and into the following year, Count Eberhard moved a contingent of troops made up of knights and men at arms to the castle above the town to keep it in check. We are informed about the escalating conflict by a sober, almost apologetic letter from the town council of Reutlingen to Ulm, whose author most probably took part in the unfolding events. Although troops of Reutlingen had been handed over to allied towns, the self-confident townspeople, along with their mercenaries, undertook a sneak attack.

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When Reutlingen's citizens defeated Count Eberhard's forces in 1377, it marked a pivotal moment in asserting their autonomy and reshaping imperial politics.

The owner of this imperial bailiwick since 1262 was thus interested in gaining full control of Reutlingen, which lay in the midst of their possessions. It was inevitable that conflicts could only arise from this complicated situation. When the conflict between the emperor and the towns came to a head in the course of 1376 and into the following year, Count Eberhard moved a contingent of troops made up of knights and men-at-arms to the castle above the town to keep it in check. We are informed about the escalating conflict by a sober, almost apologetic letter from the town council of Reutlingen to Ulm, whose author most probably took part in the unfolding events.

Although troops of Reutlingen had been handed over to allied towns, the self-confident townspeople, along with their mercenaries, undertook a sneak attack on the town of Urach on the night of May 14th, 1377, with around 700 men. There, Count Eberhard had an important residence. In Urach, the citizen-soldiers of Reutlingen captured around 250 cattle without encountering any resistance and began the return journey to Reutlingen. On the way, they destroyed the Württembergian village of Dettingen, where they also killed numerous inhabitants who were probably resisting the citizen soldiers of Reutlingen. Afterwards, the people of Reutlingen started their march home in the early morning. Another municipal contingent started its march to support their friends, who were laden with booty.

However, the Württemberg men at the Castle of Achalm, under the command of the Count's son, Ulrich, noticed the returning troops. They quickly marched against them with around 690 to 920 men and confronted the citizens to the southeast on the road to their town in flat terrain suitable for cavalry, fittingly near a chapel with a graveyard. Cut off from the road into the city, the citizens rose to the challenge of the nobles under Ulrich, and a fierce battle broke out, which the forces of Reutlingen won. To everyone's shame, the count's son fled the battle wounded. In the aftermath, 78 Württemberg fighters were left dead on the battlefield, and 73 of these dead enemy fighters were brought into the town. After the battle, the messengers of the Württembergers announced to the citizens that they would miss 86 of their masters. The Reutlingers suffered only minor losses and took arms, armor, and horses from the enemy as additional booty. Another prestigious piece of loot was the banner of the Württembergian war party.

The figure of 86 dead initially seems like a negligible number of casualties. However, a list of the dead attached to the Reutlingen report on the battle reveals that most of them were nobles of some importance. The city of Reutlingen, therefore, felt compelled to explain the events in a letter to the allied cities and to defend itself against accusations that they had indiscriminately slaughtered their opponents instead of taking them prisoner and using them as a means of negotiation, as was customary. Many of the fallen nobles had also held important positions in the exercise of power in the county of Württemberg, which considerably increased their value. The letter from Reutlingen apologetically refers to the hopelessness of the situation: "What we did causes us grief. We had to save and defend our lives and our property. Therefore, dear friends and confederates, do you hear anyone else saying that we should have taken the knights and servants prisoner? Know that those of Württemberg would not have wanted to take any of our poor men prisoner.” In the end, they added: “Write and proclaim our deeds as they are written here."

The battle for sovereignty over the interpretation of the conflict between the Confederate cities and the emperor took place right after the battle. The request to pass on one’s own representation of things on the part of Reutlingen was an important request of the city. It feared possible revenge from nobles and the Reich and even anger within its own league, as it had violated the conventions of war and violence of the time. The city of Reutlingen was denied this wish, as Ulm, the capital of the League, sent an adapted report and heavily increased the circulation of the list of casualties to emphasize the military prowess of the Swabian League of Cities.

In fact, the victory of the small town of Reutlingen had direct consequences for imperial policy: on May 31st, 1377, Charles IV and his son Wenceslas had to lift the imperial ban on the allied imperial towns of the Swabian League and promise them not to pledge or sell them and to leave them with the empire. The Swabian League of Cities continued to grow in the following years and became a significant power within the southwest of the empire. In 1381, an alliance was formed with the Rhenish League of Cities, followed in 1385 by an alliance with Swiss cities around Lake Constance so that the League also became a supra-regional institution. However, peace with the numerous forces within the empire was fragile and characterized by encroachments by territorial lords. As early as 1388, there was to be another war between territorial lords and the towns and cities united in the Confederacy.

As we have seen, the policies of the imperial head, the great territorial princes, and those of the small imperial cities were closely intertwined in the big picture of the empire as well as in the small picture of the imperial city of Reutlingen. The interests of the various players in the empire could, therefore, quickly come into conflict. In the events depicted here, the cities, which had grown in importance through trade and crafts, attempted to secure a place for themselves in the political hierarchy of the empire. They no longer wanted to be pawns in the politics and plans of others and articulated this interest proactively. By joining together in a voluntary alliance, the cities initially demonstrated the limits of Charles IV's imperial power politics and put an expanding territorial prince, Count Eberhard, in his place. In all of this, a good century before the media revolution of the printing press, the struggle for the sovereignty of interpretation of the conflict was already an integral part of the battles in which a small imperial city at the foot of the Swabian Alb was of great importance. The city of Reutlingen was to retain its status as an imperial city until 1802 and, in the meantime, repeatedly resisted Württemberg's attempts at conquest.

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